Importance Religious Cultural Identity Essay

Religious Identity is a specific type of identity formation. Particularly, it is the sense of group membership to a religion and the importance of this group membership as it pertains to one's self-concept. Religious identity is not necessarily the same as religiousness or religiosity. Although these three terms share a commonality, religiousness and religiosity refer to both the value of religious group membership as well as participation in religious events (e.g. going to church).[1][2] Religious identity, on the other hand, refers specifically to religious group membership regardless of religious activity or participation.

Similar to other forms of identity formation, such as ethnic and cultural identity, the religious context can generally provide a perspective from which to view the world, opportunities to socialize with a spectrum of individuals from different generations, and a set of basic principles to live out.[3] These foundations can come to shape an individual's identity.

Despite the implications that religion has on identity development, the identity formation literature has mainly focused on ethnicity and gender and has largely discounted the role of religion. Nevertheless, an increasing number of studies have begun to include religion as a factor of interest.[1][3][4] However, many of these studies use religious identity, religiosity, and religiousness interchangeably or solely focus on religious identity and solely religious participation as separate constructs.

Of these types of research studies, researchers have examined the various factors that affect the strength of one's religious identity over time.[5][6][7] Factors that have been found to affect levels of religious identity include gender, ethnicity, and generational status.[3][8][9][10][11]

History[edit]

During the early 1800s in the field of psychology, research on the topic of religion was considered important and ubiquitous. For example, researchers like G. Stanley Hall and William James conducted studies on such topics as religious conversion.[12][13] In contrast, the public perspective on religion began to shift two decades later.[13] Instead of religion being seen as an integral part of an individual's life and development and thus a necessary topic to research, scientists and scholars alike viewed religion as a hindrance to the progression of science and as a topic no longer applicable to the current times.[13][14][15]

Contrary to social scientists' prediction of the general decline of religion over time and increase of secularization leading to a complete abandonment of religious studies, religion did not diminish and was instead acknowledged by researchers as a topic worthwhile to research. Scientists and scholars, like British sociologist John Thompson, realized that despite the neglect of religion in studies, the presence and impact of religion on individuals' lives were undeniable and did not disappear with time.[16] Hence, a body of research on religion began to take root. Particularly, a handful of researchers were interested in examining religious identity during adolescence.

Factors that affect religious identity[edit]

Given that religious traditions can be intricately interlaced with various aspects of culture, the religious identity literature has consistently yielded ethnic, gender, and generational differences.[3][10][17]

Ethnic Differences[edit]

According to Social Identity Theory, when individuals of ethnic minority backgrounds feel as if their identity is threatened, they may emphasize their other social identities as a means to maintain a positive self-concept.[18] This idea is supported by the various studies that have shown higher levels of religious identity among ethnic minorities, particularly those from Latino and African American backgrounds, compared to European Americans.[11][17]

Gender Differences[edit]

Gender may also impact one's religious identity. Generally, females are more likely than males to attend religious services and express that religion is an important aspect of their lives.[10] Studies have captured this gender difference through observations of females reporting greater religious attitudes.[3][10] This was also shown in a four-year longitudinal study on religious involvement for adolescents living in rural settings. Females tended to be more involved in church-related activities than males and were more likely to view themselves as religious individuals.

Immigrant Generational Differences[edit]

There are three categories of generational status: First, Second, and Third. An individual who is considered to be first generation is one who was born outside of the United States and immigrated. Second generation refers to an individual who was born in the United States but whose parent(s) were foreign-born and immigrated. Lastly, third generation refers to an individual and the individual's parents were born in the United States.

First and second generation individuals may tend to have particularly higher religious identity levels in comparison to third generation immigrants.[8][9] In efforts to adjust to the stressful changes associated with the immigration process, finding a community of emotional, social, and financial support, an environment typically provided by a place of worship, may be highly sought after by immigrants.[9] Studies have indeed revealed that adolescents from immigrant families (both first and second generation immigrants) reported higher levels of religious identity compared to adolescents whose parents are not immigrants (third generation).[8][9]

Religious identity trajectories[edit]

By and large, numerous studies have observed ethnic, gender, and generational differences in religious identity. However, there have not been as many longitudinal studies on the influence of ethnicity, gender, and generational status on individuals' development of religious identity over time. Nevertheless, of the handful of such studies, researchers have focused mainly on adolescence[3][11][13][19] and started to branch out to emerging adulthood.[4][20][21][22]

Adolescence[edit]

Researchers have been particularly interested in studying identity during adolescence because it is a developmental period crucial to identity development. During this period, adolescents have opportunities to explore their ethnic, cultural, and religious traditions.[3] However, the freedom and flexibility of their exploration is typically within the constraints of their parents or caregiver.

It was believed that religious identity and participation would both follow the same trajectory and decrease across time; hence, the studies that examined religiousness, which combines the two constructs.[3][10] Although religious affiliation, identity, and participation are closely related, longitudinal research on adolescents suggests that these constructs have different trajectories from one another. For example, researchers have found that religious affiliation and identity for adolescents remained fairly stable across the high school years, which contradicts the expected change in religious affiliation from affiliated to unaffiliated and decrease in religious identity.[17]

However, the stability of adolescent religious identity parallels that of other social identities such as ethnic identity.[23] Researchers have reasoned that due to adolescents' relatively stable social environment, there is not a strong need to further explore and renegotiate their religious identity.[17] Moreover, religious identity is mainly driven by parents during adolescence.[24] Given that adolescents tend to still live with their parents during high school, there may not be a need to engage in deeper exploration of their religion, which may help explain the observed stable religious identity.

Whereas religious affiliation and identity remain stable, religious participation tends to decrease.[17] Adolescents may exercise their increased autonomy and choose not to attend religious events. Particularly, adolescents may find other activities (e.g. studying, clubs, and sports) vying for their time and resources and choose to prioritize those activities over religious events. The significant decline in religious participation at the end of high school may be a precursor to further decline during emerging adulthood.

Emerging Adulthood[edit]

Adolescence has been traditionally associated with a time of identity exploration. However, that exploration process is not complete by the end of adolescence. Rather, emerging adulthood, the years between late teens and late twenties, extends the identity formation process from adolescence.[5][6][7]

This transitional period is marked by constant changes in romantic love, work, and worldviews[5] and is generally a time of "semiautonomy."[25][26] With this increased sense of autonomy, emerging adults may choose to further exert their independence by moving away from home and/or by attending college. Through whichever ways that emerging adults choose to exercise their autonomy, they are likely to find themselves in new, diverse environments teeming with a spectrum of vast worldviews.

Despite the necessity for studies on religious identity, there has been limited work on the role of religion in identity formation in emerging adults. Compared to the research in adolescence, there is much less work on the development of religious identity and religious participation across the emerging adulthood years. The combination of immense and frequent changes, increased autonomy, and diverse environments during this period has major ramifications for the development of emerging adults' religious affiliation, religious identity, and religious participation.

Religion was believed to have little impact on emerging adults' identity, particularly for those who attend college[27][28][29][30] However, recent research suggests otherwise.[4][20][21][22] According to a study, while 14 percent of college students reported a decrease in religious beliefs throughout college, 48 percent reported stable religious beliefs, and 38 percent reported an increase.[4]

Moreover, another study found that contrary to the expectations of decreased religious identity and religious participation during emerging adulthood, religious identity did not decrease, but religious participation did decline as predicted.[22] Researchers explained that emerging adults are more likely to decrease their involvement in religious activities than they are to completely disaffiliate from their religion or express less importance of religion in their lives.

Additionally, in a study that examined the ways in which religion influenced emerging adults, researchers found that emerging adults' standards of adulthood were dependent upon the religious affiliation of the institution they attended.[20] For example, compared to emerging adults who attended Catholic or public universities, emerging adults who attended Mormon universities rated interdependence, norm compliance, biological transitions, and family capacities as extremely important criteria for adulthood.

In summary, although not all studies on this topic are in agreement, religious identity generally tends to remain stable during emerging adulthood whereas religious participation decreases over time.[17][22]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ abArweck, E. & Nesbitt, E. (2010). Young people's identity formation in mixed-faith families: continuity or discontinuity of religious traditions? Journal of Contemporary Religion, 25, 67-87.
  2. ^King, V. Elder, G.H., Whitbeck, L.B. (1997). Religious involvement among rural youth: An ecological and life-course perspective. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 7, 431-456.
  3. ^ abcdefghKing, P.E. & Boyatzis, C.J. (2004). Exploring adolescent spiritual and religious development: current and future theoretical and empirical perspectives. Applied Developmental Science, 8, 2-6.
  4. ^ abcdLee, J.J. (2002). Religion and college attendance: Change among students. The Review of Higher Education, 25, 369-384.
  5. ^ abcArnett, J.J. (2000). A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55, 469-480.
  6. ^ abValde, G.A. (1996). Identity closure: A fifth identity status. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 157, 245-254.
  7. ^ abWhitbourne, S.K., & Tesch, S.A. (1985). A comparison of identity and intimacy statuses in college students and adults. Developmental Psychology, 21, 1039-1044.
  8. ^ abcHarker, K. (2001). Immigrant generation, assimilation, and adolescent psychological well-being. Social Forces, 79(3), 969-1004.
  9. ^ abcdHirschman, C. (2004). The role of religion in the origins and adaptations of immigrant groups in the United States. IMR, 38, 1206-1233.
  10. ^ abcdeMcCullough, M.E., Tsang, J., & Brion, S. (2003). Personality traits in adolescents as predictors of religiousness in early adulthood: Findings from the Terman longitudinal study. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 980-991.
  11. ^ abcWallace, J.M., Forman, T.A., Caldwell, C.H., & Willis, D.S. (2003). Religion and U.S. secondary school students: Current patterns, recent trends, and sociodemographic correlates. Youth Society, 35, 98-125.
  12. ^Hall, G. S. (1904). Adolescence, Vol. II. New York: Appleton.
  13. ^ abcdYouniss, J., McLellan, J.A., & Yates, M. (1999). Religion, community service, and identity in American youth. Journal Adolescence, 22, 243-253.
  14. ^Siegel, A.W., & White, S.H. (1982). The child study movement. In Advances in Child Development and Behavior. Reese, H. W. (Ed.). New York: Academic press, pp. 233-285.
  15. ^Watson, J.B. (1928). Psychological Care of Infant and Child. New York, NY: Norton.
  16. ^Thompson, J.B. (1995). The Media and Modernity: a social theory of the media. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
  17. ^ abcdefLopez, A.B., Huynh, V.W., & Fuligni, A.J. (In press). A longitudinal study of religious identity and participation during adolescence.
  18. ^Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (2001). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In M. A. Hogg & D. Abrams (Eds.), Relations: Essential readings. Key readings in social psychology (pp. 94-109). New York, NY: Psychology Press.
  19. ^King, P.E. (2003). Religion and identity: The role of ideological, social, and spiritual contexts. Applied Developmental Science, 7, 197-204.
  20. ^ abcBarry, C.M., & Nelson, L.J. (2005). The role of religion in the transition to adulthood for young emerging adults. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 4, 245-255.
  21. ^ abBarry, C.M., & Nelson, L.J., Davarya, S., & Urry, S. (2010). Religiosity and spirituality during the transition to adulthood. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 34, 311-324.
  22. ^ abcdUecker, J.E., Regnerus, M., & Vaaler, M.L. (2007). Losing my religion: The social sources of religious decline in early adulthood. Social Forces, 85, 1667-1692.
  23. ^Fuligni, A. J., Kiang, L., Witkow, M. R., & Baldelomar, O. (2008). Stability and change in ethnic labeling among adolescents from Asian and Latin American immigrant families. Child Development, 79(4), 944-956.
  24. ^Denham, S.A. et al. (2004) Paper presented at the biennial Conference on Human Development, Washington, DC.
  25. ^Goldscheider, F., & Goldscheider, C. (1994). Leaving and returning home in 20th century America. Population Bulletin, 48(4), 1-35.
  26. ^Goldscheider, F., DaVanzo, J. (1986). Semiautonomy and leaving home in early adulthood. Social Forces, 65, 187-201.
  27. ^Brinkerhoff, M.B., & Marlene, M.M. (1993). Casting Off the Bonds of Organized Religion: A Religious-Careers Approach to the Study of Apostasy. Review of Religious Research 34:235-58.
  28. ^Hunsberger, B., & L.B., Brown. (1984). Religious socialization, apostasy, and the impact of family background. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 23, 239-51.
  29. ^Pew Forum, o. R. a. P. L. (2008). U.S. Religious Landscape Survey (Report).
  30. ^Willits, F.K. & Crider, D.M. (1989). Church Attendance and Traditional Religious Beliefs in Adolescence and Young Adulthood: A Panel Study. Review of Religious Research, 31, 68-81.

Cultural identity is the identity or feeling of belonging to a group. It is part of a person's self-conception and self-perception and is related to nationality, ethnicity, religion, social class, generation, locality or any kind of social group that has its own distinct culture. In this way, cultural identity is both characteristic of the individual but also of the culturally identical group of members sharing the same cultural identity.[1]

Cultural Identity helps us understand the relationships around us to determine who we are as individuals in our community. Our cultural identity is also shaped by the people within our culture and our surroundings to better understand our world. We create a mold of our cultural identity through the ideas of our parents by adopting a majority of their beliefs at a young age, but as we grow older the different people we come in contact with from different cultures (where it be religious, nationality, class, gender, ethnicity etc.) help us to shape our cultural identity mold as easily as play-do as we adopt different identities in hopes to understand and learn from these different cultures or out right object them.

Description[edit]

Various modern cultural studies and social theories have investigated cultural identity. In recent decades, a new form of identification has emerged which breaks down the understanding of the individual as a coherent whole subject into a collection of various cultural identifiers. These cultural identifiers may be the result of various conditions including: location, gender, race, history, nationality, language, sexuality, religious beliefs, ethnicity, aesthetics, and even food.[2] As one author writes, recognizing both coherence and fragmentation:

categorizations about identity, even when codified and hardened into clear typologies by processes of colonization, state formation or general modernizing processes, are always full of tensions and contradictions. Sometimes these contradictions are destructive, but they can also be creative and positive.[3]

The divisions between cultures can be very fine in some parts of the world, especially in rapidly changing cities where the population is ethnically diverse and social unity is based primarily on locational contiguity.

As a "historical reservoir," culture is an important factor in shaping identity.[4] Since one of the main characteristics of a culture is its "historical reservoir," many if not all groups entertain revisions, either consciously or unconsciously, in their historical record in order to either bolster the strength of their cultural identity or to forge one which gives them precedent for actual reform or change.[5] Some critics of cultural identity argue that the preservation of cultural identity, being based upon difference, is a divisive force in society, and that cosmopolitanism gives individuals a greater sense of shared citizenship.[6] When considering practical association in international society, states may share an inherent part of their 'make up' that gives common ground and an alternative means of identifying with each other.[7] Nations provide the framework for culture identities called external cultural reality, which influences the unique internal cultural realities of the individuals within the nation.[8]

Also of interest is the interplay between cultural identity and new media.[9]

Rather than necessarily representing an individual's interaction within a certain group, cultural identity may be defined by the social network of people imitating and following the social norms as presented by the media. Accordingly, instead of learning behaviour and knowledge from cultural/religious groups, individuals may be learning these social norms from the media to build on their cultural identity.[10]

A range of cultural complexities structure the way individuals operate with the cultural realities in their lives. Nation is a large factor of the cultural complexity, as it constructs the foundation for individual's identity but it may contrast with ones cultural reality. Cultural identities are influenced by several different factors such as ones religion, ancestry, skin colour, language, class, education, profession, skill, family and political attitudes. These factors contribute to the development of one's identity.[11]

Cultural arena[edit]

It is also noted that an individual's "cultural arena", or place where one lives, impacts the culture that that person chooses to abide by. The surroundings, the environment, the people in these places play a factor in how one feels about the culture they wish to adopt. Many immigrants find the need to change their culture in order to fit into the culture of most citizens in the country. This can conflict with an immigrant's current belief in their culture and might pose a problem, as the immigrant feels compelled to choose between the two presenting cultures.

Some might be able to adjust to the various cultures in the world by committing to two or more cultures. It is not required to stick to one culture. Many people socialize and interact with people in one culture in addition to another group of people in another culture. Thus cultural identity is able to take many forms and can change depending on the cultural area. This plasticity is what allows people to feel like part of society wherever they go.[12]

Language[edit]

Language develops from the wants of the people who tend to disperse themselves in a common given location over a particular period of time. This tends to allow people to share a way of life that generally links individuals in a certain culture that is identified by the people of that group. The affluence of communication that comes along with sharing a language promotes connections and roots to ancestors and cultural histories.[citation needed]

Language also includes the way people speak with peers, family members, authority figures, and strangers.

Language learning process can also be affected by cultural identity via the understanding of specific words, and the preference for specific words when learning and using a second language.[13]

Since many aspects of a person's cultural identity can be changed, such as citizenship or influence from outside cultures can change cultural traditions, language is a main component of cultural identity.

Education[edit]

Kevin McDonough pointed out, in his article, several factors concerning support or rejection of the government for different cultural identity education systems.[14] Other authors have also shown concern for the state support regarding equity for children, school transitions and multicultural education. During March 1998, the two authors, Linda D. Labbo and Sherry L. Field collected several useful books and resources to promote multicultural education in South Africa.[15]

Immigrant Identity Development[edit]

Identity development among immigrant groups has been studied across a multi-dimensional view of acculturation. Dina Birman and Edison Trickett (2001) conducted a qualitative study through informal interviews with first-generation Soviet Jewish Refugee adolescents looking at the process of acculturation through three different dimensions: language competence, behavioral acculturation, and cultural identity. The results indicated that, “…acculturation appears to occur in a linear pattern over time for most dimensions of acculturation, with acculturation to the American culture increasing and acculturation to the Russian culture decreasing. However, Russian language competence for the parents did not diminish with length of residence in the country” (Birman & Trickett, 2001).

In a similar study, Phinney, Horencyzk, Liebkind, and Vedder (2001) focused on a model, which concentrates on the interaction between immigrant characteristics and the responses of the majority society in order to understand the psychological effects of immigration. The researchers concluded that most studies find that being bicultural, having a combination of having a strong ethnic and national identity, yields the best adaptation in the new country of residence. An article by LaFromboise, L. K. Colemna, and Gerton, reviews the literature on the impact of being bicultural. It is shown that it is possible to have the ability to obtain competence within two cultures without losing one’s sense of identity or having to identity with one culture over the other. (LaFromboise Et Al. 1993) The importance of ethnic and national identity in the educational adaptation of immigrants indicates that a bicultural orientation is advantageous for school performance (Portes & Rumbaut, 1990). Educators can assume their positions of power in beneficially impactful ways for immigrant students, by providing them with access to their native cultural support groups, classes, after–school activities, and clubs in order to help them feel more connected to both native and national cultures. It is clear that the new country of residence can impact immigrants’ identity development across multiple dimensions. Biculturalism can allow for a healthy adaptation to life and school.

School transitions[edit]

How great is "Achievement Loss Associated with the Transition to Middle School and High School"? John W. Alspaugh's research is in the September/October 1998 Journal of Educational Research (vol. 92, no. 1), 2026. Comparing three groups of 16 school districts, the loss was greater where the transition was from sixth grade than from a K-8 system. It was also greater when students from multiple elementary schools merged into a single middle school. Students from both K-8 and middle schools lost achievement in transition to high school, though this was greater for middle school students, and high school dropout rates were higher for districts with grades 6-8 middle schools than for those with K-8 elementary schools.[16]

The Jean S. Phinney Three-Stage Model of Ethnic Identity Development is a widely accepted view of the formation of cultural identity. In this model cultural Identity is often developed through a three-stage process: unexamined cultural identity, cultural identity search, and cultural identity achievement.

Unexamined cultural identity: "a stage where one's cultural characteristics are taken for granted, and consequently there is little interest in exploring cultural issues." This for example is the stage one is in throughout their childhood when one doesn't distinguish between cultural characteristics of their household and others. Usually a person in this stage accepts the ideas they find on culture from their parents, the media, community, and others.

An example of thought in this stage: "I don't have a culture I'm just an American." "My parents tell me about where they lived, but what do I care? I've never lived there."

Cultural identity search: "is the process of exploration and questioning about one's culture in order to learn more about it and to understand the implications of membership in that culture." During this stage a person will begin to question why they hold their beliefs and compare it to the beliefs of other cultures. For some this stage may arise from a turning point in their life or from a growing awareness of other cultures. This stage is characterized by growing awareness in social and political forums and a desire to learn more about culture. This can be expressed by asking family members questions about heritage, visiting museums, reading of relevant cultural sources, enrolling in school courses, or attendance at cultural events. This stage might have an emotional component as well.

An example of thought in this stage: "I want to know what we do and how our culture is different from others." "There are a lot of non-Japanese people around me, and it gets pretty confusing to try and decide who I am."

Cultural identity achievement: "is characterized by a clear, confident acceptance of oneself and an internalization of one's cultural identity." In this stage people often allow the acceptance of their cultural identity play a role in their future choices such as how to raise children, how to deal with stereotypes and any discrimination, and approach negative perceptions. This usually leads to an increase in self-confidence and positive psychological adjustment

The role of the internet[edit]

There is a set of phenomena that occur in conjunction between virtual culture – understood as the modes and norms of behaviour associated with the internet and the online world – and youth culture. While we can speak of a duality between the virtual (online) and real sphere (face-to-face relations), for youth, this frontier is implicit and permeable. On occasions – to the annoyance of parents and teachers – these spheres are even superposed, meaning that young people may be in the real world without ceasing to be connected.[17]

In the present techno-cultural context, the relationship between the real world and the virtual world cannot be understood as a link between two independent and separate worlds, possibly coinciding at a point, but as a Moebius strip where there exists no inside and outside and where it is impossible to identify limits between both. For new generations, to an ever-greater extent, digital life merges with their home life as yet another element of nature. In this naturalizing of digital life, the learning processes from that environment are frequently mentioned not just since they are explicitly asked but because the subject of the internet comes up spontaneously among those polled. The ideas of active learning, of googling 'when you don’t know', of recourse to tutorials for 'learning' a programme or a game, or the expression 'I learnt English better and in a more entertaining way by playing' are examples often cited as to why the internet is the place most frequented by the young people polled.[18][17]

The internet is becoming an extension of the expressive dimension of the youth condition. There, youth talk about their lives and concerns, design the content that they make available to others and assess others reactions to it in the form of optimized and electronically mediated social approval. Many of today's youth go through processes of affirmation procedures and is often the case for how youth today grow dependency for peer approval. When connected, youth speak of their daily routines and lives. With each post, image or video they upload, they have the possibility of asking themselves who they are and to try out profiles differing from those they assume in the ‘real’ world. The connections they feel in more recent times have become much less interactive through personal means compared to past generations. The influx of new technology and access has created new fields of research on effects on teens and young adults. They thus negotiate their identity and create senses of belonging, putting the acceptance and censure of others to the test, an essential mark of the process of identity construction.[17]

Youth ask themselves about what they think of themselves, how they see themselves personally and, especially, how others see them. On the basis of these questions, youth make decisions which, through a long process of trial and error, shape their identity. This experimentation is also a form through which they can think about their insertion, membership and sociability in the ‘real’ world.[19][17]

From other perspectives, the question arises on what impact the internet has had on youth through accessing this sort of ‘identity laboratory’ and what role it plays in the shaping of youth identity.[20][21] On the one hand, the internet enables young people to explore and perform various roles and personifications while on the other, the virtual forums – some of them highly attractive, vivid and absorbing (e.g. video games or virtual games of personification) – could present a risk to the construction of a stable and viable personal identity.[22][17]

See also[edit]

Sources[edit]

[edit]

  1. ^Moha Ennaji, Multilingualism, Cultural Identity, and Education in Morocco, Springer Science & Business Media, 2005, pp.19-23
  2. ^Manufacturing Taste: TheWalrus.ca
  3. ^James, Paul (2015). "Despite the Terrors of Typologies: The Importance of Understanding Categories of Difference and Identity". Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. 17 (2): 174–195. doi:10.1080/1369801x.2014.993332. 
  4. ^Pratt, Nicola (2005). "Identity, Culture and Democratization: The Case of Egypt". New Political Science. 27 (1): 69–86. doi:10.1080/07393140500030832. 
  5. ^Shindler, Michael (2014). "A Discussion On The Purpose of Cultural Identity". The Apollonian Revolt. Archived from the original on 19 April 2015. Retrieved 10 April 2015. 
  6. ^The Limits of Nationalism by Chaim Gans. ISBN 978-0-521-00467-1ISBN 0521004675
  7. ^C Brown (2001) Understanding International Relations. Hampshire, Palgrave
  8. ^Terrence N TiceTHE EDUCATION DIGEST, V. 64 (9), 05/1999, p. 43
  9. ^Singh, C. L. (2010). "New media and cultural identity". China Media Research. 6 (1): 86. 
  10. ^"Media and cultural identity - Mora - International Journal of Human Sciences". insanbilimleri.com. 
  11. ^Holliday, Adrian (May 2010). "Complexity in cultural identity". Language and Intercultural Communication. 10 (2): 177. doi:10.1080/14708470903267384-2196217058202341170.pdf (inactive 2017-11-15). 
  12. ^Holliday, A (2010). "Complexity in cultural identity". Language and Intercultural Communication. 10 (2): 165–177. doi:10.1080/14708470903267384. 
  13. ^Chang, Bok-Myung (2010). "Cultural Identity in Korean English". Journal of Pan-Pacific Association of Applied Linguistics. 14 (1): 131–145. 
  14. ^McDonough, Kevin (1998). "Can the Liberal State Support Cultural Identity Schools?". American Journal of Education. 106 (4): 463–499. doi:10.1086/444195. 
  15. ^Tice, Terrence N. "Cultural Identity", The Education Digest, May 1999
  16. ^Terrence N, Tice (1999). Cultural Identity. Prakken Publications, Inc. pp. 43–44. 
  17. ^ abcdeLópez, Néstor; Opertti, Renato; Vargas Tamez, Carlos (2017). Youth and changing realities: Rethinking secondary education in Latin America(PDF). UNESCO. pp. 44–45. ISBN 978-92-31 00204-5. 
  18. ^SITEAL, IIPE-UNESCO y OEI (2014). Políticas TIC en los Sistemas Educativos de América Latina. Informe sobre tendencias sociales y educativas en América Latina. Buenos Aires, IIEP-UNESCO Regional Office in Buenos Aires. 
  19. ^Morduchowicz, R.; Marcon, A.; Sylvestre, A.; Ballestrini, F. (2010). Los adolescentes y las redes sociales. 
  20. ^Turkle, S. (1995). Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the Internet. New York, Simon & Schuster. 
  21. ^Wallace, P. (1999). The psychology of the Internet. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 
  22. ^Zegers, B.; Larraín, M.E. (2011). "El impacto de la Internet en la definición de la identidad juvenil: una revisión". Psykhe. 11 (1). 

References[edit]

  • Gad Barzilai, Communities and Law: Politics and Cultures of Legal Identities University of Michigan Press, 2003. ISBN 978-0-472-03079-8
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  • Mandelbaum, M. (2000). The new European diasporas: national minorities and conflict in Eastern Europe. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press
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  • Sagasti, F. R., & Alcalde, G. (1999). Development cooperation in a fractured global order: an arduous transition. Ottawa: International Development Research Centre. ISBN 0-88936-889-9
  • Crahan, M. E., & Vourvoulias-Bush, A. (1997). The city and the world: New York's global future. New York: Council on Foreign relations. ISBN 0-87609-208-3
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  • Berkson, I. B. (1920).Theories of Americanization a critical study, with special reference to the Jewish group. New York City: Teachers College, Columbia University.
  • Mora, Necha. (2008). [1]

Further reading[edit]

  • Anderson, Benedict (1983). Imagined Communities. London: Verso.
  • Balibar, Renée & Laporte, Dominique (1974). Le français national: Politique et pratique de la langue nationale sous la Révolution. Paris: Hachette.
  • Bourdieu, Pierre (1980). "L'identité et la représentation". Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales. 35: 63–70. doi:10.3406/arss.1980.2100. 
  • (full-text IDENTITIES: how Governed, Who Pays?)
  • de Certeau, Michel; Julia, Dominique; & Revel, Jacques (1975). Une politique de la langue: La Révolution française et les patois. Paris: Gallimard.
  • Evangelista, M. (2003). "Culture, Identity, and Conflict: The Influence of Gender," in Conflict and Reconstruction in Multiethnic Societies, Washington, D.C.: The National Academies Press [2]
  • Fishman, Joshua A. (1973). Language and Nationalism: Two Integrative Essays. Rowley, MA: Newbury House.*Güney, Ü. (2010). "We see our people suffering: the war, the mass media and the reproduction of Muslim identity among youth". Media, War & Conflict. 3 (2): 1–14. doi:10.1177/1750635210360081. 
  • Gellner, Ernest (1983). Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
  • Gordon, David C. (1978). The French Language and National Identity (1930–1975). The Hague: Mouton.
  • James, Paul (2015). "Despite the Terrors of Typologies: The Importance of Understanding Categories of Difference and Identity". Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. 17 (2): 174–195. doi:10.1080/1369801x.2014.993332. 
  • Robyns, Clem (1995). "Defending the national identity". In Andreas Poltermann (Ed.), Literaturkanon, Medienereignis, Kultureller Text. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag ISBN 3-503-03727-6.
  • Robyns, Clem (1994). "Translation and discursive identity". Poetics Today. 15 (3): 405–428. doi:10.2307/1773316. 
  • Shindler, Michel (2014). "A Discussion On The Purpose of Cultural Identity". The Apollonian Revolt. Archived from the original on 2015-04-19. Retrieved 9 April 2015. 
  • Sparrow, Lise M. (2014). Beyond multicultural man: Complexities of identity. In Molefi Kete Asante, Yoshitaka Miike, & Jing Yin (Eds.), The global intercultural communication reader (2nd ed., pp. 393–414). New York, NY: Routledge.
  • Stewart, Edward C., & Bennet, Milton J. (1991). American cultural patterns: A cross-cultural perspective (Rev. ed.). Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press.
  • Woolf, Stuart. "Europe and the Nation-State". EUI Working Papers in History 91/11. Florence: European University Institute.
Cultural identity can be expressed through certain styles of clothing or other aesthetic markers

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